©Ellsworth Kelly, Watercolors: (from left) Sunflower (1957), Teasel (1949), Corn (1959)
Blog
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“I should have married her when I had the chance.” Sex Differences in Relationship Regret
Editor’s Note: We have included a number of paragraphs from the study, Sex Differences in Relationship Regret: The Role of Perceived Mate.
Abstract: The current set of studies examined regret involving action and inaction in the realm of romantic relationships by testing whether such regret is associated with the
characteristics of one’s mate. In study 1, 394 participants reported on a previous casual
sexual encounter, and in study 2, 358 participants reported on a previous romantic
relationship. In both, instances of actual engagement and instances of passing up
opportunities were studied. Study 3 was experimental and elicited reactions to hypothetical scenarios from 201 participants. Regret reported by men in both study 1 and study 2 varied as a function of the perceived attractiveness of the participants’ actual and potential mate. Regret reported by women in study 2 varied as a function of the perceived stinginess of the participant’s mate and perceived wealth of the participants’ potential mate. Study 3 found that sex differences in type of regret (with men regretting inaction more than women) occurred only when the mate presented in the scenario was described in ways consistent with mate preferences. Together these findings suggest that regret differs between the sexes in ways consistent with sex differences in mate preferences.Introduction:
“I should have married her when I had the chance.” “I shouldn’t have eaten that
entire pie.” “If only I had not gotten into that car on that fateful day.” Sentiments such as
these reflect an emotion that is known to most of us. Regret is an unpleasant emotion commonly felt when we experience some unfortunate outcome that we believe would have been different had we taken a different course of action.Discussion: The primary purpose of the study was to test for sex differences in the mate qualities that predict regret. Consistent with expectations, mate attractiveness accounted for a significant amount of variance in regret among men for both sexual encounters and romantic relationships. This held true for both action and inaction regrets. Thus, the more attractive the woman, the less regret our male participants reported over having engaged romantically or sexually with her and the more regret they reported over having missed out on an opportunity to have engaged romantically or sexually. Notably, mate attractiveness was the only trait that significantly and consistently predicted regret among men in all four types of romantic/sexual scenarios. In contrast, mate attractiveness did not significantly predict regret among our female participants for any of the four types of romantic/sexual scenarios.
The pattern of findings for our female participants was only moderately consistent
with predictions. Our predictions for women largely held up in the romantic relationship
survey. Among our female participants only, mate wealth (in missed relationship
opportunities and, to a marginal extent, in relationships) and mate stinginess (in
relationships) was related to regret. Contrary to expectations, stinginess was not associated with regret among women in the inaction context. Perhaps stinginess is hard to assess outside of an actual relationship.Painting: Edmund Leighton’s God Speed!, 1900. Art Renewal Center Museum, Wikipedia
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Canadian Exceptionalism: Optimism About Immigration
We have heard the term ‘exceptionalism’ applied numerous times during this US election cycle. The Migration Institute was commissioned by the *Transatlantic Council on Migration, an initiative of the Migration Policy Institute, to produce this report about Canada’s immigration policy and polled public sentiments. We have selected a part of the Introduction:Introduction
In many transatlantic countries we find evidence of significant anti-immigrant sentiment and opposition to multicultural policies directed at immigrants and settled minority groups. Whether among the general public, as measured in opinion polls and votes for far-right parties, or articulated by elected leaders and other elites, such views are found across the political spectrum in Europe and the United States.Against this backdrop, Canada is a striking outlier. Compared to the citizens of other developed immigrant-receiving countries, Canadians are by far the most open to and optimistic about immigration. In one comparative poll, only 27 percent of those surveyed in Canada agreed that immigration represented more of a problem than an opportunity. In the country that came closest to Canadian opinion, France, the perception of immigration as a problem was significantly higher, at 42 percent. The most widespread objections came from the United Kingdom, where 65 percent of people surveyed saw immigration as more of a problem than an opportunity.
As striking, Canadian public opinion has been supportive of immigration for a long time and support has been increasing over recent decades, a time of economic uncertainty and concerns over foreign terrorists. Asked whether they favor decreasing, increasing, or keeping immigration levels the same, a stable plurality of Canadian respondents, about 45 percent, have favored the status quo between 1975 and 2005.
Significantly, the number who wanted to reduce immigration, 43 percent in 1975, declined over this period while the number favoring more immigration went up. By 2005 roughly equal fifths of respondents held these two positions.
Another series of polls, asking slightly different questions, indicate that since 2005, the number of Canadians who feel that there are too many immigrants entering Canada has continued to decline. A significant majority of Canadians surveyed, about two-thirds, said that the number of immigrants coming to Canada was “about right” in 2010.
These attitudes have no correlation to the underlying proportion of immigrants in the general population, or even the public perception of that proportion. Increasing support for immigration has occurred as Canada has admitted more and more new immigrants. Among transatlantic countries surveyed in 2010, Canada had by far the highest percentage of foreign-born residents, about 20 percent of the population; by comparison, immigrants were only 11 percent of the population in the United Kingdom.
Canadian optimism about immigration thus exists in a context of high mass migration, with the foreign born making up a far greater proportion of the population in Canada than in countries such as the United States, France, Germany, and Italy.
Canadian exceptionalism is also evident when we consider the competition among Canadian jurisdictions for more immigrants. Not only is the federal government bullish about migration — and has been for quite a while — but every Canadian province and two territories have struck agreements with the federal government so that they can select migrants directly into their jurisdictions through the provincial nominee program.
In 2010, 36,428 new permanent immigrants gained entry through provincial nomination, representing 13 percent of all new permanent residents in Canada.
In comparison, subnational jurisdictions in other federal states — in the United States and in Germany, for example — exhibit significant differences in their reactions to immigration, as evident in subnational legislatures’ efforts to discourage or encourage migrants’ settlement. In Canada such regional variation is modest.
Asked in a 2010 poll whether they agreed or disagreed with the statement that immigration is “a key positive feature of Canada as a country,” 67.2 percent of respondents — the highest level of support — agreed that immigration is positive in the province of British Columbia; this percentage only dropped to 63.3 in the Praries, the provinces with the lowest level of support.
Read the whole report, Understanding ‘Canadian Exceptionalism’ in Immigration and Pluralism Policy (PDF) at the Migration Policy Institute, a non-profit, non-partisan, independent think tank.
*The Council’s work is supported by the Carnegie Corporation of New York, Open Society Foundations, Bertelsmann Stiftung, the Barrow Cadbury Trust (UK Policy Partner), the Luso-American Development Foundation, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, and governments of Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden.
Photograph from Wikipedia; The Peace Arch at the border between Surrey, British Columbia, and Blaine, Washington
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Notice to Employers: Mothers Are More Engaged At Work Than Fathers, Research Shows
by Erin Cech*
Popular beliefs about work-family issues characterize working moms as having a divided focus on home and work — they are therefore seen as less competent, less committed, and, as a result, less worthy of employment and promotion than men or childless women.
Sociologist Julie Kmec** sought to discover if working moms indeed show less “ideal” work attitudes and practices. Her research on US workers found quite the contrary: women with children are, on average, more engaged at work than fathers. Likewise, she found mothers have equal levels of work commitment, intensity, and motivation than other workers. Kmec’s study busts open cultural myths about mothers’ dedication to their work and refocuses the conversation on the need to revise workplace policies that push mothers into “mommy tracks.” She contends we need to ban differential treatment along the lines of childcare responsibilities.
Are mothers secondary earners and therefore, secondary employees?
The stereotypes about working mothers often assume that mothers are simply secondary earners and have breadwinning spouses. In fact, 10 million households are headed by single mothers, while only 6 million have a breadwinning husband and a non-working wife. In the current public discourse about gender workplace inequality and wage gaps, most sides share the assumption that, because of childcare responsibilities, working mothers’ work effort, commitment, and motivation suffer. Mothers, in other words, simply can’t live up to the modern expectations of the “ideal worker” — one who is deeply committed to their work and has few distractions or conflicting commitments from home.
These stereotypes have real-world consequences for working mothers. Burgeoning research in the social sciences from the last decade has found that mothers — even those who work full-time — face significant penalties in the workforce. Research by sociologist Shelley Correll and others has shown that, compared to equally-qualified men and women without children, mothers are less likely to be interviewed, hired or promoted and they are evaluated less positively and paid less. While many people recognize these inequalities, the common response is that mothers deserve these rewards less than other workers because their family responsibilities render them less dedicated and less engaged with their work.
Pro-work behavior and attitudes
Kmec’s research is the first study to actually investigate the pro-work behaviors of mothers, compared to fathers and non-parents of both genders. She conducted a study of more than 2,000 full-time workers using the latest National Survey of Midlife Development in the United States, a nationally-representative sample of all US workers. Her analysis takes many relevant factors into account that shape pro-work behaviors: workers’ occupation, education level, number of hours worked per week, number of children, and type of organization.
Photograph: Control panels and operators for calutrons at the Y-12 Plant, the Manhattan Project, circa 1943 – 45, Oak Ridge, Tennessee. Gladys Owens, the woman seated at right closest to the camera, was unaware of the purpose and consequence of her work until seeing the photo of herself while taking a public tour of the facility nearly 60 years later. Photographer Ed Westcott / US Army / Manhattan Engineering District. Wikimedia Commons
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Your Mobile Phone: Reassessing Radio Frequency Exposure
What GAO Found
Scientific research to date has not demonstrated adverse human health effects of exposure to radio-frequency (RF) energy from mobile phone use, but research is ongoing that may increase understanding of any possible effects. In addition, officials from the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) and the National Institutes of Health (NIH) as well as experts GAO interviewed have reached similar conclusions about the scientific research.
Ongoing research examining the health effects of RF energy exposure is funded and supported by federal agencies, international organizations, and the mobile phone industry. NIH is the only federal agency GAO interviewed directly funding studies in this area, but other agencies support research under way by collaborating with NIH or other organizations to conduct studies and identify areas for additional research.
The Federal Communications Commission’s (FCC) RF energy exposure limit may not reflect the latest research, and testing requirements may not identify maximum exposure in all possible usage conditions. FCC set an RF energy exposure limit for mobile phones in 1996, based on recommendations from federal health and safety agencies and international organizations.
These international organizations have updated their exposure limit recommendation in recent years, based on new research, and this new limit has been widely adopted by other countries, including countries in the European Union. This new recommended limit could allow for more RF energy exposure, but actual exposure depends on a number of factors including how the phone is held during use. FCC has not adopted the new recommended limit. The Office of Management and Budget’s instructions to federal agencies require the adoption of consensus standards when possible.
FCC told GAO that it relies on the guidance of federal health and safety agencies when determining the RF energy exposure limit, and to date, none of these agencies have advised FCC to change the limit. However, FCC has not formally asked these agencies for a reassessment. By not formally reassessing its current limit, FCC cannot ensure it is using a limit that reflects the latest research on RF energy exposure. FCC has also not reassessed its testing requirements to ensure that they identify the maximum RF energy exposure a user could experience. Some consumers may use mobile phones against the body, which FCC does not currently test, and could result in RF energy exposure higher than the FCC limit.
Federal agencies and the mobile phone industry provide information on the health effects of mobile phone use and related issues to the public through their websites and mobile phone manuals. The types of information provided via federal agencies’ websites on mobile phone health effects and related issues vary, in part because of the agencies’ different missions, although agencies provide a broadly consistent message. Members of the mobile phone industry voluntarily provide information on their websites and in mobile-phone user manuals. There are no federal requirements that manufacturers provide information to consumers about the health effects of mobile phone use.
Why GAO Did This Study
The rapid adoption of mobile phones has occurred amidst controversy over whether the technology poses a risk to human health as a result of long-term exposure to RF energy from mobile phone use. FCC and FDA share regulatory responsibilities for mobile phones. GAO was asked to examine several issues related to mobile phone health effects and regulation. Specifically, this report addresses (1) what is known about the health effects of RF energy from mobile phones and what are current research activities, (2) how FCC set the RF energy exposure limit for mobile phones, and (3) federal agency and industry actions to inform the public about health issues related to mobile phones, among other things.
Photo: Wikimedia Commons
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Gauguin, Cézanne, Matisse: Visions of Arcadia
Editor’s Note: If you can’t attend this exhibition, consider wandering through the Museum’s collections. We did just that, finding their Object of the Day a launching point for exploring the ever-appealing work of Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec. We then clicked on the the label This Artist/Maker which led us to 20 additional examples of his work.At the Moulin Rouge: The Dance; 1890. Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec, French, 1864 – 1901. Oil on canvas, The Henry P. McIlhenny Collection in memory of Frances P. McIlhenny, 1986
The dream of Arcadia, a mythic place of beauty and repose where humankind lives in harmony with nature, has held an enduring appeal for artists since antiquity. With its promise of calm, simplicity, and order, it has served as both an inspiration — the sought for, but never fulfilled ideal of a paradise here on earth — and as an image of refuge, a place that is distant and seemingly protected from the vicissitudes of life.
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, a time of sweeping and often disruptive social, technological, and intellectual change, this dream found a powerful new currency and once again spurred the imagination of a new generation of painters — many of whom played key roles in the development of modern art.
At the heart of this new exhibition organized by the Philadelphia Museum of Art are three monumental canvases, each an acknowledged masterpiece and each, in its own distinctive way, a powerful response to the Arcadian tradition: Paul Cézanne’s enigmatic The Large Bathers (1906; Philadelphia Museum of Art), the largest of this artist’s paintings in an idyllic landscape, which caused a sensation when it was first exhibited in 1907; Paul Gauguin’s Where Do We Come From? What Are We? Where Are We Going? (1897-98; Museum of Fine Arts, Boston), which situates an Arcadian theme in the distant realm of Polynesia where this artist spent his last years and created some of his finest and most powerful works; and Henri Matisse’s Bathers by a River (1909-17; The Art Institute of Chicago), the mural-sized painting that was inspired in part by Cézanne (Matisse owned and revered a small painting by Cézanne on the theme of the bathers, citing it as one of the greatest influences in his artistic life) and represents one of the greatest achievements of Matisse’s career.
Where Do We Come From? What Are We? Where Are We Going? Paul Gauguin, 1894-1898, oil on canvas; 54.8 in × 147.5 in. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston
Gauguin, Cézanne, Matisse: Visions of Arcadia examines the different, yet closely related and complementary meanings of these three paintings, each a landmark in the history of modern art. Featuring more than 60 works by 27 artists drawn from public and private collections in this country and abroad, the exhibition explores more broadly both the enduring appeal that the Arcadian ideal had for artists in the 19th century, such as Jean-Baptiste-Camille Corot, Pierre Puvis de Chavannes, Georges Seurat, and Cézanne, and how it emerged once again in a new and powerful form in the work of a generation of modern painters — including Henri Rousseau, Pablo Picasso, André Derain, Robert Delaunay, and many others — who embraced the age-old theme of a serene and joyous life in harmony with nature and adapted to their own, often radical pictorial purposes.