Blog

  • Life, Love & Marriage Chests in Renaissance Italy at the Frist* Museum

    Cassone

     
     
    • Apollonio di Giovanni di Tomaso (b. 1415/17, Florence; d. 1465, Florence) and Workshop. Panel from a Marriage Chest (cassone) with Story of an Assault on a Maritime City, ca. 1460. Tempera and gold on panel, 17 3/4 x 20 1/2 in. Collection of Museo Stibbert, Florence, Italy

    During the Renaissance, a period spanning from the fourteenth to the sixteenth centuries, elaborately decorated wooden wedding chests known as cassoni (cassone: singular) were an integral part of Italian marriage rituals. Commissioned in pairs and shaped like ancient sarcophagi, they were paraded from the bride’s house to her husband’s after the wedding. Throughout the marriage, the chests continued to be used as storage and seating and were among the most prestigious furnishings in the home.

    In Renaissance Italy, arranged marriages were the norm. They were regarded as an alliance between two families who were usually of similar economic, social, and political standing. Wives were often younger than their husbands by a decade or more. Once a couple got engaged, the bride’s father and her groom negotiated her dowry, which could range from clothing and jewelry to vast estates and other more substantial assets. Commissioning a pair of marriage chests to celebrate the union and to hold the bride’s possessions was also done by either her father or the groom.

    Cassoni tell stories and teach edifying lessons relevant to marriage. Erudite subject matter demonstrates the patron’s sophistication and sometimes has familial or civic significance as well. Heroic epics by ancient Roman and Greek authors, such as Ovid and Homer, are popular sources for the stories, as are the fourteenth-century poetic writings of Boccaccio, Dante, and Petrarch. To create meaningful connections between the past and the present, ancient tales are set in Renaissance settings with figures wearing the latest fashions.

    More cassoni were made in Tuscan cities, where there was a large merchant class and a strong tradition of painted furniture, than anywhere else in Italy. Among the many artists who produced cassoni were Francesco di Giorgio Martini in Siena and Giovanni di Ser Giovanni Guidi, better known as Lo Scheggia, in Florence. These painters customized marriage chests, including adding the coats of arms of brides and grooms.

    Cassoni fell out of style even before the Renaissance had ended, and few of them survive intact today. Most were dismantled so that their painted panels could be sold separately on the art market, a practice common in the nineteenth century.

    This exhibition features outstanding marriage chests and panels belonging to the Museo Stibbert in Florence, Italy. They are considered as part of their original domestic context and displayed alongside an array of other art objects made for the home, including devotional paintings, pottery, and textiles. Together, these works of art give us insight into life, love, and marriage in Renaissance Italy.

    The Frist Art Museum has become a magnet for Nashville’s, Tennessee’s rapidly expanding visual arts scene. With an exhibitions schedule that has new art flowing through the magnificent art deco building every 6 to 8 weeks, no matter how often you visit, there is always something new and exciting to see in the spacious galleries. See a list of current and upcoming exhibitions.

    The Frist Art Museum was conceived as a family-friendly place and one of the most popular locations in the center is the innovative Martin ArtQuest Gallery. It’s a colorful space alive with the sounds of learning through making art! ArtQuest activities abound for people of all ages. With 30 interactive stations, and the assistance of knowledgeable staff and volunteers, ArtQuest teaches through activity. Make a print, paint your own original watercolor, create your own colorful sculpture! 

  • Hear Ye, Hear Ye, Congress Has Reopened; Sen. Amy Kobluchar & Rep John Emmer’s Bill to Improve Handling of Crimes of Domestic Violence, Dating Violence, Sexual Assault, and Stalking

    https://www.freshebt.com/government-shutdown-ebt-food-stamp-benefits/

    Updated on January 18, 2019 12pm EST 
    Leer este artículo en español  How the government shutdown affects your EBT and Food Stamp (SNAP) benefits 
     
     
    Appropriations – This week, the House is likely to consider FY2019 spending bills, H.R. 648, the Consolidated Appropriations Act, and H.J. Res. 28, the Further Additional Continuing Appropriations Act.
     
    Funding for the departments and agencies within the Agriculture, Rural Development, Food and Drug Administration, and Related Agencies; Commerce, Justice, Science, and Related Agencies; Financial Services and General Government; Interior, Environment, and Related Agencies; State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs; and Transportation, Housing and Urban Development, and Related Agencies spending bills lapsed on Dec. 21, when the continuing resolution (P.L. 115-298) expired.
     
    H.R. 648 also contains a provision to extend through 2020 the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program.
     
    Above, Rep. John Emmer, Husband, father, hockey fan, and Congressman for Minnesota’s 6th District.
     
    Human Trafficking – On Wednesday, the House is scheduled to consider H.R. 502, the Fight Illicit Networks and Detect (FIND) Trafficking Act.
     
    Bills Introduced

     Senator Jeanne Shaheen

    Abortion
     
    S. 119—Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL)/Judiciary (1/15/19)—A bill to prohibit taking minors across state lines in circumvention of laws requiring the involvement of parents in abortion decisions.
     
    S. 130—Sen. Ben Sasse (R-NE)/Judiciary (1/15/19)—A bill to prohibit a health care practitioner from failing to exercise the proper degree of care in the case of a child who survives an abortion or attempted abortion.
     
    Senator Jeanne Shaheen, New Hampshire, right
     
    H.R. 573—Rep. Blaine Luetkemeyer (R-MO)/Energy and Commerce (1/15/19)—A bill to prohibit the secretary of Health and Human Services from conducting or supporting any research involving human fetal tissue that is obtained pursuant to an induced abortion, and for other purposes.
     
    S. 159—Sen. Rand Paul (R-KY)/Judiciary (1/16/19)—A bill to implement equal protection under the 14th Amendment to the Constitution of the United States for the right to life of each born and preborn human person.
     
    S. 160—Sen. Lindsay Graham (R-SC)/Judiciary (1/16/19)—A bill to protect pain-capable unborn children, and for other purposes.
     
    H.R. 611—Rep. Mike Johnson (R-LA)/Judiciary (1/16/19)—A bill to prohibit taking minors across state lines in circumvention of laws requiring the involvement of parents in abortion decisions.
     
    H.R. 616—Rep. Alex Mooney (R-WV)/A bill to implement equal protection under the 14th article of amendment to the Constitution for the right to life of each born and preborn human person.
     
    S. 183—Sen. James Lankford (R-OK)/Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions (1/17/19)—A bill to prohibit governmental discrimination against providers of health services that are not involved in abortion.
     
    S. 190—Sen. Mike Lee (R-UT)/Foreign Relations (1/17/19)—A bill to prohibit assistance to nonprofits, foreign nongovernmental organizations, and quasi-autonomous nongovernmental organizations that promote or perform abortions.
     
    H.R. 20—Rep. Chris Smith (R-NJ)/Energy and Commerce; Ways and Means; Judiciary (1/17/19)—A bill to prohibit taxpayer funded abortions.
     
    H.R. 634—Rep. Jeff Duncan (R-SC)/Energy and Commerce (1/17/19)—A bill to ensure that women seeking an abortion receive an ultrasound and the opportunity to review the ultrasound before giving informed consent to receive an abortion.
     
    H.R. 661—Rep. Virginia Foxx (R-NC)/Foreign Affairs (1/17/19)—A bill to prohibit assistance to nonprofits, foreign nongovernmental organizations, and quasi-autonomous nongovernmental organizations that promote or perform abortions.
     
    S. 194—Sen. Rob Portman (R-OH)/Judiciary (1/19/19)—A bill to prohibit taking minors across state lines in circumvention of laws requiring the involvement of parents in abortion decisions.
     
    Health
     
    S. 116—Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-NY)/Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions (1/15/19)—A bill to address maternal mortality and morbidity.
     
     International
     
    H.R. 615—Rep. Grace Meng (D-NY)/Foreign Affairs (1/16/19)—A bill to provide women and girls safe access to sanitation facilities in refugee camps.
     
    Judiciary
     
    S. 182—Sen. John Kennedy (R-LA)/Judiciary (1/17/19)—A bill to prohibit discrimination against the unborn on the basis of sex, and for other purposes.
     
    H.R. 671—Rep. Robert Latta (R-OH)/Judiciary (1/17/19)—A bill to prohibit the unlawful disposal of fetal remains, and for other purposes.

  • Sex, Race and Religion Flood the Streets of Washington, DC Over MLK Weekend

    Women's March in DC






    Demonstrators at the Women’s March in Washington, DC on January 19, 2019.  (Photo: Susan Melkisethian/flickr/cc)

    By Jo Freeman 

    Sex, race and religion marched through the streets of Washington, DC over the long holiday weekend dedicated to the memory of Dr. Martin Luther King. There wasn’t much brotherly (or sisterly) love, which would have been a more fitting tribute to Dr. King’s memory; neither was there any physical violence, though there were some confrontations. 

    The Women’s March was so successful in 2017 that it has become an annual event. For the third march, protestors were urged to come to Washington DC again, this time on Saturday, January 19, but were told they could march at home if they preferred. By now there are enough local organizations to do just that.

    Ironically, it followed by one day the March for Life, which has also become an annual event, held on a weekend near the January 22, 1973 decision by the Supreme Court to limit the state’s ability to restrict a woman’s access to abortion. (Roe v. Wade) It always meets on the Mall for an hour before marching to the Supreme Court. 

    This year it conflicted somewhat with a new event. The Indigenous People’s March met at the Dept. of Interior at 8:00 a.m. with prayers and songs. Afterward, participants marched to the Lincoln Memorial where there were some unpleasant encounters with other protestors.Trump protestor

    As if this wasn’t enough, on Monday, DC held its 40th local march on MLK day, a long ways from the Mall. Mother nature was not kind to any of the marchers, as all four days were cold and grey, with intermittent rain.

    NOW (National Organization for Women) asked sympathizers to join it on the Supreme Court sidewalk to hold up pro-choice signs while pro-lifers walked by. Feminists have been doing this for years, but this was the smallest counter-protest that I have (barely) seen. While walking around that sidewalk looking for them, I shot photos of the other signs. Even though I wasn’t wearing any signs or buttons myself, a purple-haired woman stuck her bullhorn into my face and shouted at me to stop taking photos. I pushed the bullhorn out of the way only to have another woman stick her face into mine and tell me I had violated the other woman’s personal space by touching her bullhorn.

    Protestor (above) at Women’s March, DC; credit: Slowking4 

    I went to the end of the block and crossed the street. On the other side, I could see a few pro-choice signs facing the street; their backs to the Court. I also found a couple CodePinkers, who were only observing.  I hadn’t intended to spend two hours shooting the March for Life (I’ve done that before) but I had such a good photo spot, with the Supreme court in the background, that I just stayed and clicked.

    The US Capitol Police lined both sides of the street to keep anyone on the sidewalk from going into the street. They started doing that after Stop Patriarchy blocked the street in 2015 and 2016 just as the lead March for Life banner approached the Supreme Court. I chatted with one of the cops, who let me leave the curb long enough to take photos of some of the signs as they passed. I always came back to my spot.

  • Dreading the Doctor’s Office: An Interview With the Author of Invisible Visits; Black Middle-Class Women in the American Healthcare System

    Tina Sacks, author of the new book Invisible Visits: Black Middle-Class Women in the American Healthcare System.

    Tina Sacks, author of the new book Invisible Visits: Black Middle-Class Women in the American Healthcare System.(Photo by Carlos Javier Ortiz)

    By Yasmin Anwar

    The anxiety of being black, female and at the mercy of the US healthcare system first hit Tina Sacks when her mother was diagnosed with breast cancer. Bette Parks Sacks, then in her 50s, intuitively knew something was wrong but, like many African American women, was afraid her doctor would give her the brush-off.

    It wasn’t until a conscientious technician advised Parks Sacks to follow up with her physician after a mammogram that her breast cancer was caught — in time. Less fortunate are untold numbers of African American women who did not aggressively advocate for their health for fear of being discounted.

    In her new book Invisible Visits: Black Middle-Class Women in the American Healthcare System (Oxford University Press, 2019), Sacks, an assistant professor of social welfare at UC Berkeley, tells the often frightening human stories behind the statistics about delayed or denied diagnoses and/or treatment and high mortality rates among African Americans.

    Invisible Visits is largely based on in-depth interviews Sacks conducted for her study “Performing Black womanhood: A qualitative study of stereotypes and the healthcare encounter,” which was published in 2017 in the journal Critical Public Health.

    “When you look at inequalities in healthcare, you see a lot of studies tying the problems to race and poverty, but there’s not a lot about educated, insured black women who are not poor,” Sacks says. “Yet infant mortality rates for black women with a college degree are higher than those for white women with a high school education. I wanted to dig deeper into the personal experiences behind this disparity.”

    This spring, Sacks, a former NCAA Division 1 tennis player who is married to documentary filmmaker and photographer Carlos Javier Ortiz, will give talks on and off campus about the ongoing racial disparities brought to light in Invisible VisitsBerkeley News recently sat down with Sacks to ask about the inspiration for her book, the inequities it highlights and how to address them.

    What overarching issue motivated you to write the book?

    There’s so much large-scale data showing racial disparities in healthcare, but I was more interested in telling these women’s personal stories to understand their challenges in healthcare settings and how they manage them. One of the running themes in the book is that black women cannot prove they are being discounted or denied treatment, but have this persistent nagging feeling that something is amiss and they’re not being treated the way they should. The book looks at why this is happening and what we can do to change it.

    Why focus on black middle-class women?

    Being a racial minority is usually equated with being poor, and so it’s assumed that black middle-class women should be fine because they’re not poor. But they’re not fine. They face substantial health challenges and differences in health outcomes. My work points to the persistence of racial discrimination across class, resulting in lower life expectancy and higher rates of infant mortality, and also highlights the unique challenges women in general and black women in particular face trying to be taken seriously and get their needs met by their doctors.

  • From Anti-Communism to Anti-Semitism: Guilt by Association Is Still Being Used to Attack Movements for Social Change

    by Jo Freeman, Ph.D., J.D.

    Billboard with supposed pix of MLK

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

     

    Bob Fitch photograph from a Stanford University exhibit of his work (Martin Luther King at Communist Training School) as the headline; The Bob Fitch Photography Archive at Stanford

    The recent front-page story in The New York Times accusing leaders of the Women’s March of being anti-Semitic and associating with known anti-Semites rang a lot of bells in my head.

    I’m old enough to remember when the same strategy was used to attack the civil rights movement, especially but not exclusively in the South. Then the Bogeyman was Communism.

    Those who traversed the highway from Selma to Montgomery Alabama in 1965 were greeted by a billboard with a photo of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. sitting in a classroom. The caption read “Martin Luther King Jr. at Communist Training School.” He was listening to a 1957 lecture at the Highlander Folk School in Tennessee. In the row in front, also visible in the photograph, sat the editor of the Harlem edition of the Communist Party newspaper, the Daily Worker. The photo was taken by an employee of the state of Georgia who had come to the workshop as press.

    Printed on postcards and published in newspapers, this photo became the centerpiece of subsequent denunciations of both Highlander and Dr. King.  Mississippi Gov. Ross Barnett held up an enlarged photo of Dr. King at the “Communist Training School” when he testified at hearings on the 1963 Civil Rights Bill. That photo was used again and again.

    This was neither the first nor the last time guilt by association was used to delegitimize the civil rights movement. Nor were these efforts aimed only at leaders.

    I got mine on August 18, 1966 when I was doing voter registration for Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) in Grenada, Mississippi. The Jackson Daily News devoted two-thirds of an editorial page to denouncing me. “Professional agitator hits all major trouble spots” headlined the editorial. The five photographs included one taken of me during the Berkeley Free Speech Movement in 1964. The editorial stopped short of actually calling me a Communist, settling for accusing me of working with Communists, having friends who were Communists and belonging to an organization for young Communists. 

    Southerners regularly associated civil rights with Communism and the CP long before and long after the 1960s. They had a little help in this from the FBI and several “Un-American” Committees, both state and federal. The message was that if one (Communism) is bad, so must be the other.

    Opposition to this was complicated by the fact that there were some Communists in the civil rights movement. There were even more red-diaper babies (children of Communists), and members of other groups that had some of these among their members. Worse, the Communist Party supported civil rights and desegregation and had done so at least since the 1930s.

    I wasn’t a Communist or a red-diaper baby, though some of the Berkeley student organizations I belonged to had some of each. Yet, even though I was only a foot-soldier in the civil rights movement I was tarred by that brush. My tarring was in turn used to smear the movement.

    Now those who don’t like the #MeToo movement or the Women’s March are using the same technique. 

    Are there anti-Semites among the Women’s Marchers at different levels? Probably. There are probably more anti-Semites in the country today than there were Communists in the 1960s. That has nothing to do with the issues raised by #MeToo or the Women’s March.

    Now, as then, the press is making much ado about nothing much. Are we really as threatened by #MeToo and marching for women’s rights as white Southerners were by the civil rights movement?

    Haven’t we learned to talk about issues and not about people? Why is guilt by association still being used to attack social movements? 

    As the anniversary of the Women’s March and the federal holiday celebrating Dr. King both draw near, surely we’ve learned to do better in the last 60 years. 

    ©2019 Jo Freeman for SeniorWomen.com

    Jo Freeman has published 11 books and hundreds of articles. The information in this piece comes from research for her current work-in-progress Tell It Like It Is: Living History in the Southern Civil Rights Movement, 1965-66. Citations to specific statements available on request.

  • Health and Human Services Office of Inspector General: Many Children Separated from Parents, Guardians Before Ms. L. v. Ice Court Order and Some Separations Continue

    protestors carrying signs regarding family separation at the US border

    Photo: @ajplus/Twitter, Common Dreams

    January 17, 2019

    Public attention has focused largely on children separated from their parents who are covered by a widely reported Federal court order. But, more children, over a longer period of time, have been separated from their parents or guardians and referred to the Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) for care , according to an issue brief published today by the US Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), Office of Inspector General (OIG).

    As of December 2018, HHS had identified 2,737 children who were separated from their parents and required to be reunified by a June 2018 court in the Ms. L v. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) litigation. However, this number does not represent the full scope of family separations. Thousands of children may have been separated during an influx that began in 2017, before the accounting required by the court. In addition, as of early November 2018, HHS has received at least 118 separated children since the court order.

    The issue brief, Separated Children Placed in Office of Refugee Resettlement Care, provides information on the number and status of separated children who have entered the care of HHS through the Unaccompanied Alien Children (UAC) Program, which is administered by ORR, a program Office of the Administration for Children and Families within HHS. An unaccompanied child is a minor who has no lawful immigration status in the US and does not have a parent or legal guardian in the country available to care for him or her. By law, ORR takes custody of these unaccompanied children until they are placed with sponsors in the United States or their immigration status is resolved.

    “OIG has a longstanding commitment to protecting and improving programs that serve children,” said Christi Grimm, OIG’s Chief of Staff. “We believe findings from our work on children in the UAC program will help inform HHS, Congress, and other stakeholders who strive to make the program better and keep children safer.”

    Findings

    Beginning in the summer of 2017, before the formal announcement of the zero-tolerance policy, ORR staff saw a steep increase in the number of children who had been separated from a parent or guardian by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and subsequently referred to ORR for care. On June 26, 2018, the court in Ms. L v. ICE directed the Federal government to stop separating parents and children at the border (except in limited circumstances) and to identify qualifying children in ORR care on that date and reunite them with their parents. In response to this order, in July 2018, ORR certified a list of 2,654 children that ORR believed to be separated from parents who met the Ms. L v ICE** class definition. As a result of revisions made throughout the fall and winter of 2018, the Department ultimately identified 2,737 separated children in its care who were children of Ms. L class members and were eligible for reunification.

    HHS has reunited most of the families on the certified list, pursuant to the court order; however, the lack of an existing, integrated data system to track separated families across HHS and DHS and the complexity of determining which children should be considered separated meant that the list of families entitled to reunification was still being revised as late as December 2018, more than 5 months after the order’s effective date.

    In addition, HHS officials estimate that ORR received and released thousands of separated children before the court order in Ms. L v. ICE. ORR was not legally required to identify or track separated children released before the court’s order. Because of the limitation of its data systems, ORR was unable to provide a more precise estimate or specific information about these children’s sponsor placements. Because they did not have parents covered by the June 26 order, these separated children were not included in the Ms. L v. ICE reunification process.

    ORR continues to receive children separated from their parents by immigration officials. Between July 1 and November 7, 2018, ORR received at least 118 children who DHS identified as separated when referring the child to ORR care. However, DHS provided ORR with limited information about the reasons for these separations, which may impede ORR’s ability to determine appropriate placements.

    In its comments on our issue brief, the Administration for Children and Families (ACF) officials described steps taken to strengthen ORR’s ability to identify separated children, including modifying ORR’s online case management system, calling the processes “effective and continuing to improve.” OIG encourages continued efforts to improve communication, transparency, and accountability for the identification, care, and placement of separated children.

    Background

    In 2018, OIG announced that the agency would rapidly deploy multidisciplinary teams to conduct site visits at ORR-funded facilities nationwide to review the care and well-being of all children residing in these facilities, including the subset of children who were separated due to the zero-tolerance policy. As part of this work, OIG also reviewed HHS program data and interviewed HHS staff, officials, and senior leadership to understand how HHS identified and tracked separated children. In the coming year, OIG expects to issue multiple reports relating to the care and well-being of unaccompanied children residing in ORR-funded care providers.

    Since responsibility for unaccompanied children was transferred to HHS by the Homeland Security Act of 2002, OIG has provided oversight of the UAC program. OIG is charged with overseeing programs and operations in HHS-including ORR-to combat fraud, waste, and abuse in those programs and to promote their efficiency and effectiveness. To accomplish this, OIG employs an array of oversight tools including audits, evaluations, and investigations.

    OIG has completed work examining various aspects of the UAC program. For example, we audited grantee expenditures and assessed their internal controls for administering UAC program funds. We also examined whether ORR grantees met safety standards for the care and release of children in their custody. When OIG has identified possible criminal misconduct, we have investigated it or referred it to our Federal or local law enforcement partners as appropriate. All of these efforts have one unifying purpose-to promote the protection of children in the Department’s care.

    For more information about OIG’s issue brief and other completed UAC work products, visit oig.hhs.gov/uac.

     
    ** ACLU Sues ICE For Allegedly Separating ‘Hundreds’ Of Migrant … – NPR

    https://www.npr.org/…/aclu-sues-ice-for-allegedly-separating-hundreds-of-migrant-famil…
    Mar 9, 2018 – “Whether or not the Trump administration wants to call this a ‘policy,’ it … The anonymous plaintiff referred to as MsL, who fled the DRC with …

    ***Immigrant shelters:  About the Immigrant Children Shelter Map — ProPublica


    https://www.propublica.org/article/about-the-immigrant-children-shelter-map:  Jun 27, 2018 – Here’s how and why [Pro Publica] mapped the immigrant children shelters, and … by Southwest Key, Inc. Program, and asked them to confirm that list.
  • Dr. Abraham Verghese On The Charm, Magic and Importance Of The Bedside Manner

    Dr. Abraham VergheseThe author of My Own Country and Cutting For Stone talks about his solution to the critical shortage of primary care physicians, the impact of technology on the patient-physician relationship and ‘the charm and magic’ of being at a patient’s bedside.

    Podcast (mp3) and Related Article:

    Dr. Abraham Verghese, (right) a professor and senior associate chair at Stanford University’s School of Medicine and a best-selling author, often writes about the magic of the doctor-patient relationship. In the health care debate, he offers a distinct voice that champions the art of medicine. His voice is shaped by his experiences as a practicing physician, medical educator and storyteller.

    His perspective is also influenced by his unique background, which includes growing up in Ethiopia to Indian parents and completing his medical training in East Africa and India. Verghese came to the U.S. through a special visa program that places foreign medical graduates in underserved communities, and he has practiced medicine from Johnson City, Tenn., to El Paso, Texas.

    Related Audio

    Listen to excerpts from the interview

     His first book, My Own Country, was drawn from his work with terminal AIDS patients. His recent novel Cutting For Stone explores the decline of doctor-patient interactions in a high-tech era.

    KHN reporter Jessica Marcy spoke with Verghese recently about how medical educators are addressing the shortage of primary care physicians and the “battle of stories” in the health care reform debate.

    Q: The U.S. now faces significant health care workforce challenges especially regarding primary care physicians. How could Congressional efforts to expand access to nearly 50 million uninsured Americans add to this shortage?

    A: It’s a critical shortage. I am right now writing letters of recommendations for students who are deciding what to do with their lives after medical school — whether to be primary care physicians or specialists. There’s no question that the way reimbursement is set up, even the most eager and committed student has to really reexamine why they would possibly go into primary care medicine… Students are heading off into things like ophthalmology and surgery not because they don’t like primary care, but because they sense that’s the only way to make a living that recoups their [medical school] investment. They really can’t stomach the idea of being in medicine ten years down the road and watching their classmate make twenty times… more than they do. [The shortage] has to be addressed in the very radical fashion by changing reimbursement. That, I’m not sure we have the willpower to do.

    Q: What do you think about how the pending legislative proposals address the shortage? Do you think it’s enough? What advice do you offer to solve this problem?

    A: I don’t think it’s enough frankly. Our students don’t have their medical school education subsidized by the government – and I think it would be nice for us to take away the burden of student loans. … One way to do that would be to require of all students a year of public health service in return for which their loans are eliminated. If they choose not to… they will get a lower priority when they apply for specialty positions and residencies.

    It would mean that automatically — every year — we would have 13,000 graduated students serving in a primary care [setting]. In one stroke, you can solve the primary care shortage. You can also introduce people [to this type of medicine] who would never find out about primary care. It could change their lives.

    Q: How did your own medical training abroad shape the way you practice medicine in the U.S.? What unique perspective does this training enable foreign physicians to bring to the practice of medicine here?

    A: Foreign doctors have all kinds of different forms of training. But many are united by one common factor that seems to be operative especially in the Commonwealth countries — a great emphasis on the bedside exam and on clinical skills. In part, [this approach] was driven by the lack of ready access to all the kinds of sophisticated testing that we have now. But I think that kind of clinical training still serves me very well. It’s almost embarrassing to see how little emphasis we put on that here where the most glaring finding, one that could have been discovered by either a good history or by a discerning exam, instead requires this $2,000 MRI and interpretation to discover something that was really there for everyone to see and recognize had they only learned how to do that.

    Q: How can professors and medical schools help address the primary care shortfall and influence health care reform?

    A: It’s a struggle … but if you’re going to do it, you’re going to do it only by showing them the charm and the magic of being at the bedside. There is no passion and romance that you can illustrate to them in front of a computer, which is where a lot of care takes place these days. The only way to excite students about medicine is to do it one by one, by them seeing you being the kind of physician that they’d like to be.

    Q: Is there anything else you want to add about health care reform as it stands right now?

    A: My sense is that we’re at a really exciting point in American history where we have a real option to bring about change. The one alternative that I don’t hear being discussed very much is that we could also do nothing and allow the system to implode, which I think is a real possibility. The other thing that strikes me as terribly important … is this is incredibly complicated for people to understand. Even when you have all the facts, there are more facts. … People are extremely sensitive about their health.

    As a story-teller, I’m struck by the power of stories. President Obama has this wonderful story about his grandmother. Stories are the metaphors around which so much revolves. The stories that counter his — the alarmist stories that talk about someone in the Canadian health system who has a brain tumor and goes [untreated] for months– those stories are patently false very often, but it doesn’t matter. They have the same powerful influence. … This [health care reform debate] is a kind of a battle of stories.

    Q: Is that alarming to you?

    A: No. It’s naïve to think facts alone will change things. If facts alone would change things, then we would all eat healthy and wouldn’t smoke. Stories change things. Pain changes things. Suffering changes things. In many ways, that’s what I’m saying is happening in medicine. If it’s all about facts and numbers, it doesn’t move patients. Medicine is an art and not a science. The science part is the numbers. But we can’t abandon the art part. It’s so important.

    Q: Anything else?

    A: It’s important to point out that every dollar in that $2.1 trillion [health industry] represents a dollar of income for somebody. … The power of lobbies to influence what should be the American people’s decision should not be underestimated. If anything, the president has been too deferential to these forces, which have tremendous power but perverse interests. … They’re not the best interests of the patients. They’re the interests of their own pocket.

    By the way, I include myself in that group. I think that we in medicine, had we been the august institutions that we claim to be, would not have allowed the kind of perverse practices — the conflicts of interests — that are almost routine now to exist. Since we allowed them, I think we’re also not in a great position to say “this is what we should do.”

    Kaiser Health News is a nonprofit news service covering health issues. It is an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation, which is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.

  • The First Biography of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Crusader Without Violence, Is Reissued 60 Years Later

    Editor’s NoteJanuary 15th is Martin Luther King’s actual birthday, and in celebration, SeniorWomen.com is posting this review.

    By Jo Freeman

    Crusader Without  Violence, 60th-anniversary edition

    L. D. Reddick, Introduction by Derryn E. Moton

    Published by Montgomery: New South Books, 2018

     

      
    Lawrence D. Reddick was a history professor at Alabama State College — the state school for blacks  — when the Montgomery Bus Boycott brought Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. to national prominence in 1955-56. They had known each other casually in Atlanta; both had moved to Montgomery to accept jobs only recently.

    On Dec. 5, 1955, Reddick went to the rally that changed the one-day bus boycott into a mass movement that lasted over a year.  Intending to write a book about that movement, Reddick spoke with the main movement players and observed events closely.  It was while interviewing King in depth in 1957 that he shifted to writing a biography of this new national leader.  Only 25 when he assumed the pastorate of the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church and not yet a Ph.D., King had quickly attracted worldwide attention during the Montgomery Movement. The book became a collective effort, in which friends and family members helped Reddick find material.   Dr. and Mrs. King read the manuscript.

    This is a very personal story, written by someone who got to know Dr. King very well.  Reddick begins by describing the scars on his body, his favorite sports, food and clothes.  He tells us many personal details, such as his enjoyment of doing imitations of other preachers and public figures, that he couldn’t “spell a lick,” and got a little nervous before speeches. 

    These details don’t obscure the main themes.  Reddick says that King’s “main thesis is the power of brotherly love to redeem a world that will otherwise destroy itself.”   There is no surprise in learning that Dr. King’s heroes were Jesus, Gandhi and Thoreau, but a little that “Socrates is his hero above all men of ancient times” and that he had mixed feelings about his namesake, Martin Luther. 

    In a long chapter on Family, we learn why the name on his birth certificate is Michael Luther, and why he was called ‘Little Mike’ in his early years.  In fact, Martin Luther King wasn’t named for Martin Luther, but you’ll have to read the book to find out why.

    Nonviolence came to him easily.  Even as a boy he didn’t want to fight, or hit those who hit him.  In 1950, while studying at Crozer Theological Seminary, he went to a lecture on Gandhi by a well-known black preacher.  He was so intrigued that he read everything that he could find on the Mahatma and his philosophy. 
     
    The future leader didn’t leave home until he graduated from Morehouse College.  However, he was ordained at 18 and made associate pastor of his father’s church when he was 21.   His theological training was not necessary for a career as a Baptist minister; he was going into the family business.
     
    But the future Dr. King liked going to school, and wanted more.  His Bachelor of Divinity from Crozer came with a fellowship for graduate education so he enrolled at Boston University.  He met Coretta Scott in Boston, where she was studying voice in anticipation of a career as a singer, and married her in 1953 at her parents’ home in Alabama.

  • Rose Mula Writes: If You Can’t Stand the Heat … How About a Subscription to One of the Popular Meal Preparation Kit Services; What an Inspired Idea!

     Medieval Kitchen w/spit

    by Rose Madeline Mula

    It was Christmas, and I was as excited as a 6-year-old whom Santa had just blessed with a new bright red bike.  I had just opened the greatest present from my niece and nephew and family — something I had been planning to buy for myself for several months; but other more urgent items on my To Do List kept taking priority (like ‘Call plumber about leaky faucet’, ‘Reduce astronomical telephone bill’, ‘Check senior living options in case of catastrophic fall’ …)

    My gift from my family? A subscription to one of the popular meal preparation kit services. What an inspired idea!  I had long claimed that anyone who can read a recipe can cook; and that I, too, could be as good a chef as Martha Stewart, or any of the other TV masters and mistresses of haute cuisine whose assistants shop for, assemble, and measure out all the ingredients needed to create a mouth-watering Beef Bourguignon or Cassoulet de Toulouse. I don’t know what that is, but with a recipe and all the ingredients I was sure I’d be able to cook it — or anything…  Here was my chance to prove it!

    A week later a box with my first selection — Hot Honey Barbecue Chicken Legs — arrived. It was heavy! Inside were two huge ice packs, two plastic-encased chicken legs, and a large paper bag containing a variety of vegetables and lots of miniature bottles and tiny plastic envelopes with the necessary spices and garnishes.  Emblazoned on the bag, in big, bold letters were the words THIS IS GOING TO BE FUN! I believed it. It was a lie.

  • Too High To Drive: States Grapple With Setting Limits On Weed Use Behind Wheel; Rhode Island, Pennsylvania and Indiana are Among States That Forbid Driving at Any THC Level

    By Shefali Luthra, Kaiser Health NewsCalifornia Healthline

    It used to be the stuff of stoner comedies and “Just Say No” campaigns. Today, marijuana is becoming mainstream as voters across the country approve ballot questions for legalization or medical use.

    In response, state governments are testing ways to ensure that the integration of this once-illicit substance into everyday life doesn’t create new public health risks. These efforts are sparking a difficult question: At what point is someone too high to get behind the wheel?

    The answer is complicated. Brain scientists and pharmacologists don’t know how to measure if and to what extent marijuana causes impairment.

    The reason: Existing blood and urine tests can detect marijuana use, but, because traces of the drug stay in the human body for a long time, those tests can’t specify whether the use occurred earlier that day or that month. They also don’t indicate the level at which a driver would be considered “under the influence.”

    “It’s a really hard problem,” said Keith Humphreys, a psychiatry professor and drug policy expert at Stanford University in California, the first state to legalize medical marijuana and where recreational pot use among adults became legal in 2016. “We don’t really have good evidence — even if we know someone has been using — [to gauge] what their level of impairment is.”

    Marijuana is now legal for recreational use in 10 states and the District of Columbia — including Michigan, where a ballot initiative passed in November took effect Dec. 6. In New York, the governor said Dec. 17 that legalization would be a top priority for 2019. And nearly three dozen states have cleared the use of medical cannabis.

    For alcohol, there is a clear, national standard. If your blood alcohol content (BAC) is 0.08 percent or higher, you’re considered cognitively impaired at a level that is unsafe to drive. Extensive research supports this determination, and the clarity makes enforcement of drunken driving laws easier.

    Setting a marijuana-related impairment level is a much murkier proposition. But states that have legalized pot have to figure it out, experts said.

    “You can’t legalize a substance and not have a coherent policy for controlling driving under the influence of that substance,” said Steven Davenport, an assistant policy researcher at the nonprofit Rand Corp., who specializes in marijuana research.

    Marijuana, after all, weakens a driver’s ability to maintain focus, and it slows reflexes. But regulators are “playing catch-up,” suggested Thomas Marcotte, a psychiatry professor at the University of California-San Diego and one of a number of academics around the country who is researching driving while high.